We Must Not Choose Between “Caste” And “Civic sense”
Caste explains the moral history of filth in India; collective-action failure explains its daily reproduction Why are Indian streets so often strewn with litter? Why do so many of us treat public spaces with such complete disregard? I have wrestled with these questions for many years—both as an ordinary citizen and as a Dalit who has studied Indian society academically and also lived within its social hierarchies as a fact of everyday life. Suraj Yengde’s recent piece offers a straightforward answer to this larger question of cleanliness and civic sense—caste. His well-placed assertion is that caste has trained much of Indian society to outsource responsibility to others. Imagine cleaning as the “job” of a designated group of Dalits, and it becomes easier to treat mess as morally weightless and inconsequential. In this arrangement, filth becomes public, but shame becomes privatised—or made invisible altogether—and accountability is shifted to others. I agree with this completely. It explains why most Indians are meticulously clean inside their homes, but readily throw garbage where it doesn’t belong, showing little concern for what happens outside their gates. But my own life experiences push me toward a more complicated picture. Caste is indeed a necessary explanation for India’s sanitation order (or rather, disorder) and civic sense. Who cleans your streets first thing in the morning, whose labour is stigmatized, and who is considered “designated” to clean “our mess”? Caste explains this division of labour and the moral permission it creates. But it does not fully explain why public neglect persists and keeps reproducing itself, even in situations where caste hierarchy is not the immediate or visible operating mechanism. To understand the everyday stability of littering and disregard for public goods, we also need to see sanitation as part of a wider social logic of chalta hai—a low-trust environment in which individuals routinely assume that public rules will not be followed or fairly enforced and therefore feel it is “rational” to break them first. The result is not just a caste problem but a public-goods trap, one whose moral authority draws on caste but whose daily reproduction is driven by collective-action failure. Let me give a concrete example. A few years ago, I attended an Ambedkar Jayanti rally in Delhi. For most Dalits, this day carries the same importance as, if not greater than, a national holiday. It is a day to celebrate hard-earned dignity, equal rights, and an unfinished struggle. The atmosphere was highly charged, with blue flags everywhere, slogans of “educate, agitate, organise,” speeches, songs, and dancing, in an intense sense of community. But as the crowd dispersed toward the end of the day, the pride turned into embarrassment. The road along which the procession had moved was blanketed with trash of pamphlets, plastic water bottles, paper plates, cigarette butts, and everything a large crowd could throw on the street. After the programme concluded, volunteers started cleaning up. However, the irony was sharp enough to hurt. We had spent the day invoking a politics of dignity and ended it by turning a shared public space into a dumping ground. My first instinct was to reach for excuses. The crowd was huge. There were no dustbins. The municipality should have planned better. Where were people expected to dispose of the litter—in their pockets? But these explanations didn’t touch the deeper truth, which is that we had behaved like nearly every other large gathering in India. It was no different from a student political rally I attended at Delhi University, where roads were plastered with posters, or a public roadshow by any politician, big or small. We left the mess for “someone else” to handle. And that “someone else” was a sanitation worker from a Dalit community itself, which made the moment even more bitter. This episode doesn’t disprove Yengde’s point. It revealed something deeper and adjacent to it, and pushed me to extend this narrative further. Even those who don’t believe in any caste hierarchy or champion the cause of Dalits can still fall into the habit of treating public space as morally disposable. Oppression does not automatically produce better public conduct. It produces people living within the same social environment, responding to the same incentives, and absorbing the same norms. I saw the same logic at work in the South Haryana village where I grew up. Everyday life was full of small acts of rule-breaking, routinely justified as necessary or common sense. Until recently, illegal hookups to electric poles (in simple terms, electricity theft) were common to avoid bills, cutting across caste groups. Giving a small bribe, known as ghoos or bakshish, to a traffic constable to avoid receiving a challan was/is a common practice. Calling a “politically connected” person in the tehsil or any government office, for that matter, to get some paperwork done. Finding jugaad for everything, from land registry to marriage certificates to even securing a hospital bed in a big Delhi hospital. Then there were election-time “gifts,” usually liquor or cash, to secure votes. I don’t want to take this piece in the direction of petty corruption—that’s a topic for another day—but these are everyday ‘Indian things’ cutting across caste backgrounds. It is true that those in power are often upper caste, but given the chance, no Dalit is magically immune to this great Indian phenomenon. These examples, among thousands of others, point to something very uncomfortable, that is, public order in India is treated as negotiable across the board, and oftentimes rules are mere suggestions. People curse corruption and rule-breaking, and then participate in it when they benefit from it and the consequences are low. Over time, this arrangement becomes a learned equilibrium. You become part of a large machine whose wheels need constant greasing to keep it moving. Consider a telling parable from North India about a farmer (Annadata Kisaan). He might quietly pull a sugarcane from his neighbour’s field, yet loudly accuse others of stealing from his crop, forgetting that their fields lie just as close to his.
Dhanbad Municipal Seat De-Reservation Sparks Dalit Protest Ahead of Elections
Dhanbad: Members of the Dalit community staged a sit-in on Thursday against the de-reservation of the Dhanbad municipal seat ahead of the upcoming civic body elections. Hundreds of protesters gathered at Randhir Verma Chowk to express their strong opposition to the state govt’s decision, alleging a biased approach and demanding immediate withdrawal of the order. The protesters claimed that the Dhanbad municipal seat had been reserved for the Scheduled Caste (SC) category on the basis of the 2011 caste census. However, the recent decision to make the seat unreserved has triggered widespread resentment within the Dalit community. Demonstrators described the move as a direct attack on their constitutional rights and social representation in local governance. Raising slogans against the govt, protesters accused it of ignoring established norms and undermining social justice. They asserted that the de-reservation decision has deeply hurt the sentiments of the Dalit community and could weaken their political participation in the civic administration of Dhanbad. Addressing the gathering, social activist Shantanu Chandra, also known as Bablu Paswan, said that the issue has already been taken to the Ranchi high court. He said that a petition challenging the govt’s decision has been filed and the matter is currently under judicial consideration. According to him, the court has reserved its verdict, and the community is hopeful of a favourable outcome. Shantanu Chandra further said that while they have full faith in the judiciary, the intentions of the government appear questionable. He emphasised that the agitation would continue until justice is delivered and the decision is reversed. “We respect the judicial process, but at the same time, we will not remain silent against injustice,” he said. Protesters warned that if the govt fails to reconsider its decision, the agitation would be intensified in the coming days. The demonstration concluded peacefully, with protesters reiterating their resolve to fight for their rights through both legal and democratic means. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Sister Chandra and how Parai Attam announced the coming of Dalit women Sakthi to the world
“I was rejected by village folk artistes as they didn’t believe a woman was strong enough to carry a parai and perform,” Sister Chandra remembered. It was the best of times, it was the worst of times for Dalit women to start performing Parai Attam, a traditional art form historically performed by Dalit men during funerals. Sister Chandra, the woman behind this quiet cultural revolution, had been doing community service in Dindigul when she noticed how poorly paid the men performing Parai Attam were. “I felt that people were not respecting the art or the artiste because of their social status,” she recalled. Sister Chandra also sensed the quick shift of the villagers’ interest from folk arts to community TV. “Each village has different art forms which they used to perform during festivals, but when people started enjoying television, art forms started dying,” she went on. Determined to revive the art form, Sister Chandra decided to form a troupe of her own. But being a woman, she had to also fight many gendered stereotypes around the art form, which was considered exclusively the domain of Dalit men. “I was rejected by village folk artistes as they didn’t believe a woman was strong enough to carry a parai and perform,” she remembered. At last, seeing her persistence, traditional village folk artiste Guru Ramadass taught her Parai Attam. Soon, Sister Felci and a group of village women joined, becoming the first batch of what would eventually be known as the Sakthi group. Now, Sister Felci has taken charge of it. As public perceptions changed, Sakthi’s popularity grew significantly. It began teaching more than 20 art forms including Parai Attam, Oyil Attam, and Silambam. Along with an offline batch of 20 students, two batches of online art classes were also introduced. They perform in and around several districts of Tamil Nadu and have also made their mark on the international stage. Sakthi is now flourishing. ‘Finally, you are making our girls take up Parai?’ In ancient Tamil society, parai, a hollow drum made out of a wooden frame and cow skin, was used as a percussion instrument to gather people and make announcements. Over time, it evolved into an art form predominantly performed by Dalit men. In the beginning, the idea of women performing Parai Attam was alarming to a society fed with stereotypical narratives on the art form. Concerned about their social status and perpetuating caste stereotypes, families strongly opposed the participation of their daughters. Parai artistes did not want their daughters to take up the art form as they believed their children would be discriminated against for their social status. “Initially, parents resisted sending their daughters to learn Parai Attam,” Sister Felci reminisced. They were met with questions filled with disbelief and anxiety such as ‘How can you make our girls take up Parai?’ Yet, against all odds, the team’s first performance became both a personal victory for Sister Chandra and a cultural milestone. “After that, we were invited to several villages to perform,” she said. Sakthi went on to become one of the earliest all-women Parai Attam troupes in Tamil Nadu. Sister Chandra and Sister Felci, driven by their mission to empower Dalits and women, were posted in Dindigul by their congregation, the Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, ICM. Every year, a new batch of twenty students joined Sister Chandra’s year-long residential course to learn various folk art forms such as Parai Attam, Oyil Attam, and Karagattam. The mix included young women who were school dropouts. “We encourage school dropouts to finish their studies and enroll in college. Some of them later became folk dance teachers in nearby village schools,” said Sister Chandra. Martial arts such as silambam and taekwondo are also taught by Sakthi. “This is a life-oriented program as women are also taught vocational skills such as tailoring, besides sex education and other lessons,” she said. Performances with social messages Rather than performing solely for entertainment, Sakthi’s programs are society-oriented. To spark a social dialogue and make society rethink its assumptions became the group’s goal. Sister Chandra believes that the dialogue initiated after performances has brought changes in society. She proudly spoke about how turning Parai Attam into an inclusive art form is part of such a change. “Now, women from non-Dalit communities also train for Parai Attam with the Sakthi group, which shows acceptance and how people are willing to challenge stereotypes,” she said. Sakthi’s unique style of incorporating social messages with performances made the team stand out. “Our performances raise awareness about social issues such as women empowerment, communal harmony, sexual harassment, caste, globalisation and unemployment,” said Sister Chandra. The importance of developing a reading habit is a recurring theme expressed by the team whenever it is invited for book launches and similar events. To instill confidence and capability among young talents, Sister Chandra believed that the group should be involved in choreographing, decision-making and every other aspect of their performance. This let the girls feel empowered by occupying spaces which were dominated by men, she said. ‘To build a better humanity, we have to break the chains of oppression’ is Sakthi’s motto. The group’s name reflects its goal of holding on to the female ‘energy’ and empowering women by creating a space exclusive to them. As recently as the early 2000s, women across different states were excluded from performing certain folk art forms. “For example, in Kerala, women were not allowed to perform chenda melam, an art form that involved drums. This trend is slowly changing nowadays,” said Sister Chandra. The logo of Sakthi depicts one foot of a performer bound by a chain, signifying the historical oppression, and the other foot adorned with an anklet, representing resilience and the struggle to break free from marginalisation. Taking Parai attam to the world The team of performers has kept changing over the years as many women dropped out after marriage and childbirth. However, that didn’t stop Sakthi from carrying forward its mission.
Dalit Youth Murder Sparks Outrage in UP, Heavy Police Force Deployed, Highway Blocked
Bareilly: A tragic and shocking incident has come to light in Bareilly district of Uttar Pradesh. Rahul Sagar, a 26-year-old Dalit youth from Dohra village in the Baradari police station area, was brutally beaten to death by a group of men. After battling for his life in the hospital for a week, Rahul succumbed to his injuries during treatment. As soon as the news of the youth’s death spread in the village and surrounding areas, widespread anger erupted. Following Rahul’s death, his family members and villagers blocked the highway by placing his body in front of the post-mortem house. The protesters leveled serious allegations against the police and demanded justice. A heavy police force has been deployed at the spot, and officials are trying to pacify the people. Attack over borrowed money The family members allege that the incident took place on January 14. Rahul’s father, Pappu, said that Rahul had left home with Rs 30,000 to pay his brother-in-law’s hospital bill. On the way, he went to meet a man named Bhima with his two friends, Lalu and Sachin. Bhima owed Rahul Rs 20,000, which Rahul had been asking for for a long time. When Rahul asked for the money back, Bhima got angry. Bhima then called his accomplices, Lucky Labheda and Akash Thakur. The three of them surrounded Rahul near Kashiram Park and started brutally beating him with sticks and rods. Rahul was beaten until he fell unconscious. During the attack, the accused also snatched Rs 30,000 and his mobile phone from Rahul. Rahul’s friends tried to intervene, but the accused threatened to kill them as well. Somehow, Rahul was taken from there and admitted first to Abhiram Hospital and then to Narayan Hospital. Death during treatment, questions raised about the police Rahul’s condition was extremely critical. Doctors tried their best to save him, but he died after about a week. Rahul’s family is completely devastated after his death. His relatives allege that the police did not immediately arrest the accused after the incident. They claim that while Rahul was hospitalized, the police were trying to hush up the matter and pressure them into a compromise. Due to this anger, the enraged family members and villagers blocked the highway. The protesters are demanding that all the accused be arrested immediately and that action be taken against the police officers who were negligent. The people say that the protest will continue until they are assured of justice. A father’s protective shadow has been lifted from the innocent children. Rahul earned a living by working as a laborer to support his family. With his death, there is no one left to earn a living for the family. He leaves behind his wife Shivani and three young children. The youngest child is just 15 days old. The elder son, Aryan, is four years old, and the other son, Dev, is two and a half years old. These innocent children do not even understand that their father will never return. There is an atmosphere of mourning throughout the village. Every eye is teary, and everyone is asking the same question: when will this poor and Dalit family get justice? The villagers have demanded that the administration give the strictest possible punishment to the culprits. Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit man refuses to hand over sunglasses, beaten with sticks in Gujarat’Patan district
Ahmedabad: A 26-year-old Dalit labourer was allegedly assaulted and abused with caste slurs in Piparala village of Santalpur taluka in Patan district after he refused to lend his sunglasses to a villager, police said on Wednesday. A complaint was filed late on Tuesday with Santalpur police. The complainant, Tulsi Solanki, a resident of Piparala village, told police that he was standing near the Hanuman temple in the village around 7pm, when the accused individual, Devshi Koli, approached him. Koli allegedly asked Solanki to take off his sunglasses and give it to him. When Solanki refused, the accused allegedly started abusing him and hurled caste abuses, leading to a brief argument, after which Solanki returned home. About 30 minutes later, Devshi Koli allegedly returned to Solanki’s house along with Bhikhu Koli on a motorcycle. The duo allegedly hurled caste-based abuses and questioned Solanki for not giving the sunglasses. When Solanki, along with his parents, Vela and Demaben, came out and asked them to stop abusing, a third accused, Mandan Koli, allegedly arrived on another motorcycle carrying a wooden stick. The complaint states that Mandan allegedly struck Solanki on his left shoulder with the stick, causing him to fall. He then allegedly hit Solanki again on his left leg below the knee. When Solanki’s father tried to intervene, Bhikhu allegedly pushed him to the ground. The accused allegedly continued to beat Solanki with fists and kicks and threatened to kill him with dire consequences. Hearing the commotion, villagers gathered at the spot, following which the three accused fled on their motorcycles. Solanki said he suffered severe pain and dialled the 108 emergency service. He was first taken to Santalpur govt hospital, where he was given preliminary treatment, and was later referred to Dharpur hospital for further care. Based on the complaint, Santalpur police registered a case against the three accused under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and relevant provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Hindu on paper, Christian at heart: What lies behind Dalit reconversions in Kerala
For many years now, organisations such as the Vishva Hindu Parishad have taken up the reconversion of Dalit Christians to Hinduism as ‘Ghar Wapsi’. But activists say without the reservation barrier, most Dalits would not leave Christianity, which is a core anxiety for Hindutva groups. Aneesh* read Kunju Kaaryangalude Odeythampuran, the Malayalam translation of Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things, when he was in college. He picked up the book prompted by a casual remark from a classmate. “He told me that there’s a character called Velutha in the novel who reminded him of me,” Aneesh recalled. “Velutha was a Dalit Christian like me, who was in love with a Syrian Christian woman,” he said, a faint, painful smile crossing his face. In the novel, Velutha is brutally tortured and killed for his ‘forbidden’ love. Though Aneesh, who belongs to the Pulaya community, has never faced physical violence like Velutha, he has encountered caste abuse, public humiliation, and social exclusion. “It was 2010. Ours was a hilly village in Kannur district. A girl from my parish and I were in a relationship. We went to the same school and attended catechism classes together. Our families were not very different financially,” he said. The relationship ended when the girl’s family came to know about it. “They publicly called me ‘Pelayan’, a casteist slur for Pulaya, ‘parassala christian’, and many other things. My skin colour, my caste, my family, everything was dragged out in public and insulted,” Aneesh said. ‘Parassala Christian’ is a derogatory term used for landless Dalit Christian families who moved from Parassala in Thiruvananthapuram to northern Kerala in search of work and land. Aneesh’s grandparents had converted to Christianity long ago. His parents had migrated to the village in Kannur nearly five decades earlier from Parassala. When the abuse began, Aneesh said there was no support from the church. “The church, the priest, no authority stood with us. It was a Syrian Christian-dominated area under the Syro Malabar Church. With that one incident, my family was casually ostracised,” he said. Unable to continue living there, Aneesh left the village and went to north India to pursue further studies. His parents eventually moved back to Thiruvananthapuram. Today, Aneesh is 40, married, and the father of two children. A few months ago, he, his wife, and their two children – both below the age of 10 – formally converted to Hinduism. The conversion, Aneesh said, was facilitated by the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), a prominent right-wing Hindutva organisation. A ceremony was organised at a nearby temple. Volunteers helped him with the paperwork, to change his name through a gazette notification and obtain a caste certificate from the government. “My conversion has nothing to do with faith or spirituality,” Aneesh said. “I still go to church. I also go to the temple. But being Christian gave me nothing… no protection, no dignity, no opportunity. By converting to Hinduism, at least my children will be eligible for reservation.” Aneesh’s decision to convert was not rooted in faith but in paperwork. Like several others TNM spoke to, his move was driven by the loss of reservation benefits after generations within Christianity. This motivation runs through the data as well. Of the Dalits who converted to Hinduism in Kerala in 2024, a majority cited access to reservation in affidavits submitted to the VHP, which has been facilitating these conversions under the banner of ‘Ghar Wapsi’. Activists and church representatives argue that this is not incidental. They point out that the continued denial of Scheduled Caste status to Dalit Christians is part of a long-term political design, one that leaves families with little choice but to return to Hinduism on paper to access constitutional protections. Conversion then becomes less a matter of belief and more a survival strategy shaped by law, caste, and state policy. For several years now, organisations such as the VHP have taken up the reconversion of Dalit Christians to Hinduism as a mission. The VHP confirmed to TNM that it facilitated around 100 Dalit conversions to Hinduism in the past year. The organisation requires those seeking reconversion to submit an affidavit stating the reason for the change. According to VHP functionaries, many affidavits cite reservation as the primary reason. Anil Vilayi, VHP state president, however, says Dalit reconversions are not just about reservation. “Their ancestors may have gone to other religions due to false promises. When those promises were not fulfilled, they started returning. There is no forced conversion here. We are only helping them return to their swadharma, the faith to which they or their ancestors once belonged,” adding that they do not have any specific strategy. Anil also said that the VHP manages around 200 temples across Kerala, where the reconversions are facilitated. “Hindu communities are not economically strong. That is how Christian and Muslim organisations lure people, by offering money, housing, jobs abroad, and other material benefits,” he alleged. “Christian organisations receive foreign funding, which makes it easier for them to provide these incentives. Poor families are easily drawn in,” Anil said, invoking the common rhetoric against Christians used by the Sangh in the country. According to Anil, the VHP’s broader objective is to prevent people from leaving Hinduism. “Since the formation of the VHP, that has been our mission, in different forms,” he said. He further said that the organisation has identified around 70 taluks in Kerala – most of them in Kottayam and Thiruvananthapuram districts – where conversions from Hinduism are “rampant”. “In these regions, we are doing intensive and extensive work to prevent conversions. Across the state, we have around 100 Dharma Rakshakas who work at the ground level. They visit families and intervene,” he said. Anil also described the ritual process involved in reconversion. “There are Shuddhi Kriyas, or purification rituals, to embrace Hinduism, along with other ceremonies conducted by temple priests. In VHP-managed temples, a separate group called Aayams oversees these reconversion rituals,” he added. Another family TNM spoke to in Kottayam
Rs 269.9 cr sops released for Dalit, tribal entrepreneurs
Vijayawada: The state government released the second tranche of industrial incentives to support Dalit and tribal entrepreneurs, minister for micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME) Kondapalli Srinivas said on Wednesday. The minister said in a statement that during the current financial year so far, the government has extended industrial incentives amounting to Rs 269.90 crore to 11,451 Dalit and tribal entrepreneurs as part of its commitment to promote inclusive industrial growth. Acting on the directions of Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, the government has taken these steps to further strengthen and expand entrepreneurship among Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), he added. The minister said that in the 2025–26 financial year, industrial incentives for Dalit and tribal entrepreneurs were being released in two phases. In the first phase, released in October 2025, the government had disbursed Rs 178.75 crore to 6,675 SC entrepreneurs and Rs 30.94 crore to 1,159 ST entrepreneurs. In line with the assurances given by the coalition government and to cover all approved industrial units, additional funds have now been released in the second phase, subject to budget availability, he said. Under this tranche, on Tuesday, incentives worth Rs 53.05 crore were released to 3,122 SC entrepreneurs, while Rs 7.16 crore was disbursed to 495 ST entrepreneurs. With this, during the 2025–26 financial year so far, a total of Rs 231.80 crore has been released to 9,797 SC entrepreneurs across two phases, and Rs 38.10 crore to 1,654 ST entrepreneurs, the Minister explained. Despite facing several fiscal constraints, the State government has adopted a phased approach to clear pending incentive payments, demonstrating its firm commitment to addressing the financial challenges faced by SC and ST entrepreneurs, Srinivas said. He noted that these incentives would significantly help beneficiary units meet their immediate operational requirements and support their long-term growth objectives, reinforcing the government’s resolve to empower Dalit and tribal entrepreneurs and bring them into the mainstream of industrial development. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Man Accused In Five Murder Cases Gets Life Term For Killing Dalit Woman In Gurugram
A man was sentenced to life by Gurugram court for kidnapping and killing a Dalit woman in 2021. He confessed to other murders. Key evidence included his recorded confession. Police said the accused was working as a security guard at a private hospital in Sector 16 in 2021 when he molested a Dalit woman. (Canva) A Gurugram court has sentenced a man, accused in five murder cases, to life imprisonment for the kidnapping and killing of a 20-year-old dalit woman in December 2021. The court found him guilty in the case and awarded the sentence after completion of the trial. According to Rekha JS Jangra, deputy district attorney, after the convict Singh Raj was arrested for the murder of the woman on January 7, 2022, he confessed to murdering three more minor girls in 2019, 2020 and 2021 for protesting to his molestation attempt. “Singh had dumped bodies of all three minors in Agra canal near Sector 7 after the murders. Trials are ongoing against him in these cases. He had also confessed to murdering his uncle and cousin in 1987 but was acquitted due to lack of evidence in those cases,” she said. Police said Raj was working as a security guard at a private hospital in Sector 16 in 2021 when he molested a Dalit woman. Officers added that Raj confessed to killing her after she allegedly tried to extort money by threatening to file a police complaint against him, Hindustan Times reported. Jangra said he asked the woman to meet him in Sector 16 on December 31, 2021, where he strangled her to death. “He then transported the body on a bicycle to dump it in the canal. Her family in Bhupani had filed a missing complaint at Old Faridabad police station on January 2, 2022. However, this time, the body was trapped in vegetation and was recovered by police on January 6, 2022,” she said. As per the investigators, on January 5, Raj rang the woman’s family and confessed to murdering her. Her family had recorded his confession on another phone and contacted the police. Sobhita Dhulipala Radiates Timeless Charm In A Traditional South Indian Look For Her Haldi Ceremony “The cell tower location of the deceased and Singh were found to be at the same location at the time of the murder. The recording of his confession along the location was the key evidence for prosecution along with 29 witnesses,” said Jangra. The court of additional sessions judge Purushottam Kumar also imposed a total fine of ₹2.1 lakh on convict Singh Raj after finding him guilty under Sections 302 (murder), 364 (kidnapping with intent to murder) and 201 (causing disappearance of evidence) of the Indian Penal Code, along with Section 3(2)(v) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Curated By : Aanchal Sinha Courtesy : News18 Note: This news is originally published on https:/news18.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Poor family’s house gutted by fire in Sattichaura area: Household belongings reduced to ashes, entire family forced to live under the open sky
A thatched house belonging to a Dalit family in the Sattichaura area of Ayodhya caught fire on Monday afternoon. The entire household of Vijay Kumar Raidas, son of Rambaksh Raidas, a resident of Sundari Talab Haribandhanpur, was reduced to ashes, leaving the family homeless and forced to live under the open sky. The incident occurred on Monday afternoon. The elderly grandmother, Ramkala, who was present in the house with four young children, tried her best to extinguish the fire, but was unsuccessful. Upon receiving the information, PRV police arrived at the spot, and with their help, the fire was brought under control. The thatched house and all the belongings inside were completely destroyed by the fire. Approximately half a dozen family members, including young children, were forced to spend the entire night under the open sky in the biting cold. Even 24 hours after the incident, the family has not received any assistance. Satyam Singh | Ramnagar Dhaurahra (Sohawal), Courtesy: Hindi News
Coast Guard Academy project in Mangaluru triggers row as dalit colony loses only access road
Residents of Moodubalike, a small habitation located close to the academy site, claim that a kaccha road that provided the sole access to their colony was blocked around two months ago. MANGALURU: The construction of India’s first Coast Guard Academy (CGA) at Kenjar on the outskirts of Mangaluru has run into controversy, with Dalit families living in the vicinity alleging that the compound wall being built for the project has cut off the only access road to their colony, affecting their daily lives. The CGA has been allotted 159 acres of land by the Karnataka Industrial Areas Development Board (KIADB), and work is currently underway on laying the foundation for the compound wall. However, residents of Moodubalike, a small habitation located close to the academy site, claim that a kaccha road that provided the sole access to their colony was blocked around two months ago due to the construction activity. Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (DSS) district convenor Sadashiva Padubidri said that around 10 Dalit families have been living in the area for nearly 70 years and were granted title deeds under the government’s Ashraya housing scheme in 1994. Despite having legal ownership of their homes, the families are now facing isolation due to the loss of road access, he said. Padubidri explained that the colony is surrounded by private properties on three sides, leaving only a mud road adjoining Survey No. 116/7 as the lone access route. “This road has been crucial for all daily needs, including travel to workplaces, schools, markets and hospitals,” he said, adding that the problem will become more acute during the monsoon, when the entire area gets waterlogged. According to DSS leaders, repeated appeals to Member of Parliament Capt. Brijesh Chowta, MLA Umanath Kotial, the Deputy Commissioner, Coast Guard officials and the Tahsildar have failed to yield any concrete response. “The MP expressed helplessness and did not even accept our memorandum. He later asked the Tahsildar to conduct a spot inspection, but the inspection was carried out without informing the local residents,” said Raghu K. Yekkar, another DSS leader. He added that Coast Guard officials had earlier orally assured the residents that the road would not be blocked. “We have no alternative access as the remaining three sides are private lands and the owners will not permit passage. From an existing concrete road, our houses are barely 50 metres away. If the Coast Guard gives up just a few cents of land, a proper access road can be provided to our habitation,” he said. The DSS has demanded an immediate halt to the compound wall construction and urged the MP and the Deputy Commissioner to intervene and ensure an alternative access arrangement. Stating that access to a road is a fundamental right, the organisation warned that if the alleged injustice to the Scheduled Caste families is not addressed, it will be forced to launch protest demonstrations. Meanwhile, a Coast Guard official, speaking on condition of anonymity, denied the allegations and said there was no question of blocking any road, as no road is shown at the location in the panchayat records. Vincent D’ Souza Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights