DK Shivakumar, Siddaramaiah to meet Congress high command in Delhi, bat for cabinet berths for loyalists
Though it is not confirmed yet, some 15-20 are likely to be sworn in and veterans who were part of the Siddaramaiah cabinet are keeping their fingers crossed. BENGALURU: Chief Minister-designate DK Shivakumar and caretaker CM Siddaramaiah will be in Delhi on Monday to finalise the list of council of ministers with the Congress high command, including Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi. Though the power transition went off smoothly, the two leaders are likely to butt heads over the induction of their loyalists into the cabinet and prove their sway over the high command. They are expected to present their own list of legislators to take oath along with Shivakumar at Lok Bhavan’s glass house at 4.05 pm on Wednesday. Though it is not confirmed yet, some 15-20 are likely to be sworn in and veterans who were part of the Siddaramaiah cabinet are keeping their fingers crossed. They include Dr G Parameshwara, HK Patil, KH Muniyappa, MB Patil, Eshwar Khandre, Ramalinga Reddy, Priyank Kharge, Krishna Byre Gowda, Santhosh Lad, Zameer Ahmed Khan, K Venkatesh, Shivaraj Tangadagi and Dr HC Mahadevappa. The names of a few new faces, including AS Ponnanna, Saleem Ahmed, Speaker UT Khader, NA Haris, BK Hariprasad, TB Jayachandra, Basavaraj Rayareddy and Puttaranga are doing the rounds. “I met CM-designate Shivakumar. I interacted with him on a few issues. It was cordial … I came here to congratulate him and wish him all the best. The cabinet formation will be done after the chief minister goes, discusses with the high command and key leaders,” former law minister HK Patil told reporters after meeting Shivakumar. MB Patil, Bangarpet MLA SN Narayanaswamy, Malavalli MLA PM Narendra Swamy and former chief whip in the Assembly Ashok Pattan also met Shivakumar. After the swearing-in, a partial cabinet will be in place and the remaining vacancies are likely to be filled after the June 18 polls to four Rajya Sabha and seven MLC seats, sources said. On Sunday, scores of ministerial berth aspirants, including former ministers identified with the Siddaramaiah camp, like Santhosh Lad and Mahadevappa, met Shivakumar. First-time MLAs Basavaraj Shivaganga from Channagiri and Darshan Dhruvanarayana from Nanjangud also met their mentor. Asked who would take oath as ministers along with him on Wednesday, Shivakumar said, “I don’t know that. The party high command will decide. I will not comment on it.” Yathindra meets Shivakumar Siddaramaiah’s MLC-son Dr Yathindra, who is most likely to be sworn in as minister in the Shivakumar cabinet, called on Shivakumar at the Kumara Krupa Guest House on Sunday evening. “I am a ministerial aspirant. The high command has also assured me that I will be made a minister. I am waiting in anticipation. First, let the high command decide on inducting me as minister. I am ready to handle whichever portfolio assigned to me,” he told reporters. “I had only met Shivakumar at Vidhana Soudha and somewhere on the way. I wasn’t able to come to his office or home to congratulate him. So, I came to convey my wishes. No (major) discussions happened. Just a little talk about SIR and our Mysuru district politics,” he added. Devaraj B Hirehalli Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Demand for “the greater the number, the greater the share”: Reservation, caste census, reservation in promotions, and strict laws against mob lynching; Memorandum submitted to ADM
The Bhim Army Jai Bhim organization submitted a memorandum to the Additional Magistrate on Monday regarding various demands. The organization demanded the implementation of reservation in all pillars of democracy to improve the economic and social status of Dalit, backward, minority, and tribal communities. The memorandum was led by District President Kanchan Rao. District President Kanchan Rao stated that Constitution-maker Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar had established reservation for the upliftment of the exploited, oppressed, and deprived classes, but even after 75 years of independence, the conditions of these classes have not improved as expected. He said that Dalit, backward, minority, and tribal communities have still not fully integrated into the mainstream. Demand for Reservation in Government and Private Sectors In the memorandum, the organization demanded the implementation of reservation in government and private industries based on the principle of “the greater the number, the greater the share.” Demands were also raised to restore reservation in promotions and fill all backlog vacancies. Demand for Proportional Reservation in NEET, JEE, and UPSC In the field of education, the organization demanded reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and minorities in competitive examinations like NEET, JEE, and UPSC, in proportion to their population. Furthermore, demands were made for the continuation of the “zero-balance” admission system in schools, colleges, and universities under Article 15 of the Constitution and for the full implementation of University Grants Commission (UGC) regulations. Demand for a Law to Prevent Mob Lynching The Bhim Army expressed concern over incidents of mob lynching against Dalits, Muslims, backward classes, minorities, and tribal communities. The organization demanded strict laws to prevent such incidents. The memorandum also included a demand for a CBI investigation into alleged false cases of cow slaughter and fake encounters. The organization also demanded that the cow be declared the national animal. Questions were also raised regarding the caste census and lateral entry. The organization demanded that the central and state governments conduct a caste census. They stated that this would reveal the actual population of various communities and ensure appropriate participation based on that. The organization also demanded a complete abolition of the lateral entry system into government services. Several organization officials and workers were present during the memorandum submission. Ankit Srivastava | Jaunpur Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit family in Amla threatened with eviction from village: Family files police complaint, case under investigation
A case of harassment and expulsion of a Dalit family from the village has come to light in Daulatpur village, within the Amla police station area of Bareilly. The victim’s family has accused the miscreants of breaking into their home, vandalizing it, and threatening to kill them. A named complaint was filed at the police station on Monday, demanding legal action. In the complaint filed with the police, the victim stated that a villager owns a farm behind his house, to which he has provided access. It is alleged that the accused now wants to take advantage of his helplessness and take over the house. On the afternoon of May 26th, the accused, along with his two sons, entered the victim’s house armed with sticks and rods. They hurled casteist slurs and threw out household items. The miscreants also threatened to kill the victim’s family if they did not vacate the house within a week. The victim has appealed to the police to ensure his safety and take appropriate legal action by filing a report against the accused. Aonla Inspector Binu Singh, providing information on the matter, stated that the police are investigating the case based on the complaint received. If found guilty in the investigation, appropriate action will be taken against the individuals involved as per the law. Pradeep Kumar | Aonla Courtesy: Hindi News
The Dalit body on screen: Stereotypes, sacrifice, and subjugation in Hindi films
Despite centuries of reformist efforts, from Gandhi and Ambedkar to contemporary activists, the caste system remains deeply embedded in the Indian psyche. One of the primary reasons for this persistence is the religious sanction provided by Brahminical scriptures, which have shaped not only social structures but also cultural and artistic expressions. This long history of acceptance has nurtured a mindset that affects not just upper-caste Hindus but often leads to self-doubt among Dalits themselves. The oppression, therefore, is not merely material but deeply cultural. Consequently, Dalits have faced systematic exclusion from social spaces, property rights, and access to knowledge. Their identity, from a dominant perspective, is inseparably linked to their bodies, which are traditionally viewed as impure and untouchable. This prejudice has been so pervasive that meaningful Dalit participation in the Indian film industry has been notably absent, making cinema a powerful mirror of, and participant in, this cultural violence. In Indian cinema, the Dalit body has historically been presented in stark, stereotypical contrast to that of upper-caste Hindus. Male Dalits are frequently depicted as physically untidy, emotionally weak, intellectually hollow, and abhorrent due to their low birth. In a disturbing double standard, the young Dalit woman’s body is often represented as sexually attractive and desirable, positioning her as an object to be used and subjugated by the upper castes. While this pattern is common across most Indian-language films, the treatment of the Dalit body is not static; it has evolved according to socio-political developments and varies significantly based on whether the film is set in a rural or urban location. Franz Osten’s landmark film “Achhut Kanya” (1936) offers an early nuanced portrayal. Set in a village, it tells the tragic love story between Kasturi, a Dalit girl, and Pratap, a Brahmin boy. The film introduces stereotypical markers: Dalit males like Kasturi’s father Dukhiya are dark-skinned, lean yet healthy, and humble but not grovelling. However, Kasturi herself defies certain norms—she is fair, confident, argumentative, and unafraid. The film notably avoids themes of sexual exploitation; instead, it focuses on deep-rooted social segregation. Kasturi’s ultimate sacrifice—giving her life to save Pratap and her husband—elevates her to a martyr, building a memorial that proclaims she was “born untouchable but a goddess by deed.” This early work reflects the idealism of the freedom movement, influenced by Gandhi and Ambedkar, focusing more on tragic romance and moral purity than on gritty realities. Bimal Roy’s “Sujata” (1959) deepens this exploration by shifting the setting to an urban, middle-class environment. The film follows an untouchable girl adopted into a Brahmin family. Roy masterfully demonstrates that untouchability is a cultural construct, not a divine mandate. The adult Sujata becomes painfully conscious of her own body as a curse. When Adhir, the upper-caste man she loves, touches her, she recoils in terror—not only for herself but for the impurity she might bring upon him. Her body becomes a source of imposed guilt and degradation. Unlike the rural setting, her urban foster home provides some social security, yet the psychological tyranny remains. Roy contrasts Sujata’s quiet, introverted existence with the joyful life of her foster sister, Rama, showing how discrimination warps the self. In a powerful conclusion, Sujata donates blood to save her foster mother, proving the biological fallacy of caste purity. The film transcends reformist simplicity by showing that even the progressive Upendranath must gradually overcome his inner conditioning, while his wife never fully does. In the contemporary phase, Ashutosh Gowariker’s “Lagaan” (2001) introduces Kachra, an untouchable whose talent for leg-spin bowling becomes crucial for the village cricket team. However, his portrayal is deeply stereotypical: dark-skinned, untidy, submissive, and seemingly incapable of pleasure or contemplation. He is depicted as brute flesh suitable only for labour. Crucially, Kachra is “used” by the upper-caste villagers to achieve victory. He is noticed only when his talent proves useful, and while his teammates embrace him enthusiastically as wickets fall, he is conspicuously absent from the final victory celebration. The film raises an uncomfortable question: did the camaraderie reflect genuine change of heart or merely the smell of success? Gowariker’s “Swadesh” (2004) similarly fails to offer meaningful representation. Dalit characters like Birsa are shown as dark, dirty, and mentally incapable, reinforcing old stereotypes. The film’s neo-liberal, America-centric development model leaves no room to address the truth that even with economic empowerment, the Dalit body often remains untouchable to the twice-born society. Another Dalit character, Mela Ram, runs a roadside eatery and dreams of opening one on an American freeway—his confidence comes only from embracing the film’s prescribed entrepreneurial solution. Perhaps the most brutal contemporary depiction appears in Rajkumar Santoshi’s “Lajja” (2001). Here, Ramdulari, a Dalit midwife, is initially portrayed as bold, assertive, and confident. Her role as a dai—present at every birth in the village—gives her a sense of power. But this confidence shatters when her educated son falls in love with an upper-caste feudal lord’s daughter. Ramdulari is reduced to a helpless, doubly jeopardized body: a woman and a Dalit. As punishment for her son’s defiance, she is gang-raped and burned alive. This horrific sequence exposes the intersection of caste and gender, showing that no amount of personal confidence can protect a Dalit woman from the collective, violent assertion of upper-caste patriarchy. Beyond these films, other notable works have engaged with the issue. Shyam Benegal’s “Ankur” (1974) and “Manthan” (1976), Govind Nihalani’s “Aakrosh” (1980), Satyajit Ray’s “Sadgati” (1981), and Prakash Jha’s “Damul” (1985) all make serious attempts to expose the socio-economic and sexual exploitation of Dalits, particularly Dalit women. These art films interlink sexuality and gender with caste in ways that popular cinema often avoids. Yet, the divide between popular and art cinema has only widened since the mid-1970s. The great filmmaker-artists of the 1940s to 1960s—Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak, Bimal Roy, V. Shantaram, and Guru Dutt—produced works that balanced entertainment with aesthetic depth. In contrast, most contemporary mainstream directors are showmen with an eye on the ticket window. Ultimately, popular Hindi cinema has largely failed to move beyond melodramatic and instrumental
No SC status for Dalit Christians under existing constitutional framework, asserts BJP leader
Any claims suggesting otherwise are contrary to established legal provisions, says Devanand, accusing the YSRCP of attempting to incite Dalit Christians on the issue for political gain Individuals who have converted from Hinduism to other religions are not eligible for Scheduled Castes (SC) reservations under the existing constitutional framework, and Dalit Christians currently do not enjoy SC status in India, according to BJP State vice-president G. Devanand. The courts across the country had repeatedly clarified the legal position regarding SC reservations and the eligibility criteria prescribed under the Constitution, Mr. Devanand said in a statement on Sunday. “Any claims suggesting otherwise are contrary to established legal and constitutional provisions,” the BJP leader said. Criticising certain political parties for demanding SC status for Dalit Christians, Mr. Devanand alleged that such campaigns were misleading the public and creating unrealistic expectations among members of the community. He said it was inappropriate to encourage demands that run contrary to judicial pronouncements and constitutional provisions. The BJP leader specifically accused the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) of attempting to incite Dalit Christians on the issue for political gain. He described the use of sensitive social issues for electoral purposes as irresponsible. Mr. Devanand stressed that respecting the Constitution and the judgments delivered by courts was the responsibility of every citizen, and urged the government to take appropriate action against those who were spreading misinformation and creating misunderstandings or tensions among different sections of society. He further stated that discussions and demands concerning reservation policies should be pursued only within the framework prescribed by the Constitution and the judiciary. Calling for social harmony, Mr. Devanand appealed to the public to remain vigilant against attempts that could disturb peace and communal amity in society. G.V.R. SUBBA RAO Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Delhi Govt to issue Pink Saheli Smart Cards free of cost to women andtransgenders; how to get your card and which documents are required, explained
The Delhi government recently announced that the old paper Pink Tickets will be completely phased out by the end of July this year. New Delhi: There is great news for the women of Delhi. They will no longer need to stand in long queues or brave crowds to obtain their DTC bus ‘Pink Passes.’ The Delhi government is now transitioning from paper tickets to a ‘Pink Card’ system. Furthermore, starting in August, paper tickets will be completely discontinued. To ensure women do not face hardship when purchasing these Pink Cards, the Rekha Gupta-led Delhi government is set to organise special camps across most of the city’s neighbourhoods and streets. What is Pink Saheli Smart Card? The Pink Saheli Smart Card is a digital initiative launched by the Delhi government on March 2, 2026. With this card, you will no longer need to obtain paper-based pink tickets from the bus conductor repeatedly. The Pink Saheli Smart Card functions as a type of National Common Mobility Card (NCMC); you simply need to ‘tap’ it upon boarding the bus, and your free journey will be automatically registered digitally. Old Paper Tickets to be Discontinued from July If you are still relying on the old paper-based Pink Tickets for your commute, they will be discontinued from July. The Delhi government recently announced that the old paper Pink Tickets will be completely phased out by the end of July this year. Consequently, starting in August, only those possessing a Pink Saheli Smart Card will be eligible to travel for free on DTC buses. When and Where Will Special Camps Be Held? To spare women from having to stand in long queues at SDM offices or DTC depots amidst hot and humid weather, the government is organizing these special camps. Acting under the directives of Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta, the government—in collaboration with Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs)—will set up these camps right within your own neighbourhoods. This initiative is set to launch on Sunday in Central Delhi’s Nabi Karim area and will gradually be expanded to cover all other parts of Delhi as well. Who Is Eligible, And What Are The Criteria? The Pink Digital Smart Card scheme is designed primarily for all women and transgender citizens residing in Delhi. Any woman or girl living in Delhi who is over the age of 12 can obtain her card under this scheme free of cost. This card will not only enable free bus travel but can also be topped up with funds to be used like a standard smart card on the Delhi Metro, Namo Bharat, and other public transport services. Which Documents Are Required For The Pass? To obtain the Pink Digital Smart Card, applicants must possess and produce an Aadhaar card with a Delhi address, an active mobile number, and two passport-sized photographs. Government officials present at the camps will verify these documents, and your Digital Pink Saheli Smart Card will be issued to you on the spot. Written by: Tahir Qureshi Edited by: Tahir Qureshi Courtesy : India.com Note: This news is originally published on https:/india.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
5,423 SC/ST Act cases in Madhya Pradesh have been pending for more than five years, with the highest pendency in these districts.
The Directorate of Public Prosecution has issued strict instructions, and a special drive will be launched to resolve old cases. Bhopal. The pending status of cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, in Madhya Pradesh is becoming a matter of concern. A total of 5,423 cases related to this Act have been pending in various courts across the state for more than five years. The highest number of pending cases is registered in Jabalpur district, where 909 cases have been awaiting justice for years. Followed by Sagar with 842 cases and Rewa with 417 cases. These figures highlight the slow pace of the judicial process and the lack of timely justice for victims. In light of the ever-increasing pendency, the Madhya Pradesh government and the Public Prosecution Department have become active. Recently, the Directorate of Public Prosecution, Bhopal, issued instructions to all district prosecution officers to expedite the disposal of old cases on a priority basis. Hundreds of cases pending for years in many districts According to state data, in addition to Jabalpur, Sagar, and Rewa, districts like Chhatarpur, Gwalior, Guna, Morena, and Ujjain also have a large number of cases pending in courts for years. In these districts, victims have been waiting for justice for a long time. On the other hand, the situation appears relatively better in some districts. In Katni, Tikamgarh, Neemuch, Mandsaur, Dindori, and Dhar districts, the number of cases pending for more than five years is reported to be less than five. In Narmadapuram, Khandwa, and Harda, only one case each is pending for more than five years. The data on pending cases under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, in Madhya Pradesh reflects the increasing burden on the judicial system. The highest number of 909 cases are pending in Jabalpur, followed by 842 in Sagar, 417 in Rewa, 390 in Chhatarpur and 383 in Gwalior. Besides, 303 cases are pending in Guna, 247 in Morena, 234 in Ujjain, 212 in Shivpuri, 200 in Damoh, 167 in Vidisha, 143 in Chhindwara, 112 in Dewas, 85 in Shahdol, and 81 each in Indore and Raisen. On the other hand, 77 cases are pending in Ashoknagar, 71 in Balaghat, 69 each in Bhopal and Umaria, 62 each in Khargone and Seoni, 33 in Panna, 28 in Satna, 24 in Ratlam, 21 in Bhind, 19 in Mandla, 15 in Agar, 11 in Shajapur and 10 each in Betul and Singrauli. The least number of pending cases have been registered in Sidhi district, where only 9 cases are pending. There are 9 districts where less than five cases are pending for more than five years. Four cases in Katni, two each in Tikamgarh, Neemuch, Mandsaur, Dindori and Dhar and one each in Narmadapuram, Khandwa and Harda have been reported to be pending for more than five years. Most notably, in eight districts of the state: Alirajpur, Anuppur, Barwani, Burhanpur, Datia, Jhabua, Sehore, and Sheopur, not a single case related to the SC/ST Act is pending for more than five years. This is believed to be the result of improved coordination at the judicial and prosecution levels. Special drive to begin for old cases Following directives issued by the Directorate of Public Prosecution, a special campaign will now be launched across the state to resolve old pending cases. Prosecution department officials have been instructed to regularly monitor such cases and make efforts to expedite the trial process in the courts. Special emphasis will be placed on ensuring the timely appearance of witnesses, providing necessary documents, completing pending evidence, and effective advocacy in the courts. In cases where legally feasible, efforts may also be made towards peaceful resolution and settlement with the consent of both parties. Questions are being raised about the slow pace of the judicial process. Cases filed under the SC/ST Act fall under the category of serious crimes involving social discrimination, violence, and harassment. The delay in delivering verdicts in such cases for years raises questions about the constitutional rights of victims and the justice system. Social organizations and rights activists say that many victim families face mental, financial, and social pressure due to the lengthy judicial process. Experts believe that to expedite these cases, there is a need to increase the number of special courts, fix accountability of prosecuting officers, and ensure timely trials. Strengthening witness protection and digital case monitoring systems is also considered essential. Speaking to The Mooknayak, Pradeep Ahirwar, former member of the State Scheduled Caste Commission and State President of the SC Congress, said that the years-long pendency of SC/ST Atrocities Prevention Act cases is extremely worrying. He said that victims from Dalit and tribal communities approach the courts with the hope of justice, but the long pending cases undermine their trust in the justice system. Ahirwar alleged that the government and administration are not serious about resolving these cases quickly, despite the law’s provision for special courts and speedy trials. He demanded that a special campaign be launched to expedite the pending cases and ensure timely justice for victims. Action will be monitored by the government. According to sources, old cases will now be reviewed regularly at the district level. The prosecution department will prepare a list of pending cases in the courts and prioritize them for hearing. The government’s goal is to expedite the disposal of cases pending for years, ensuring timely justice for victims. Speaking to The Mooknayak, legal expert and advocate Mayank Singh said that the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, is an important law related to social justice, aimed at protecting Dalit and tribal communities from oppression and discrimination. He said that the long-standing pendency of cases under this Act is a serious concern for the justice system, as “justice delayed is justice denied.” Mayank Singh said that reducing the backlog will not be possible without the appointment of adequate judges in special courts, regular hearings, and an effective investigation system. What is the SC/ST Act? The Scheduled
Dalit girl in Etah accused of molestation: Accused threatens to kill victim, police register FIR
A Dalit girl in the Jalesar area of Etah district has accused a young man from the same village of molesting, attempting to strangle her, and threatening to kill her. Police have registered an FIR against the accused and initiated an investigation. In her complaint to the police, the girl stated that she was returning home from her farm at around 7:30 pm on Saturday evening when Sanju, son of Mahipal, a resident of the village, stopped her on the way and molested her. According to the victim, when she resisted, the accused Sanju attempted to strangle her and threatened to kill her. When the girl screamed, the accused fled the scene. The victim also alleged that she is being continuously harassed by the accused, leaving her and her family in fear. The girl has also expressed concern for her safety. The Kotwali police have registered an FIR against the accused Sanju under relevant sections based on the victim’s complaint. Police say the case is being thoroughly investigated and the search for the accused is ongoing. Nand Kumar | Etah Courtesy: Hindi News
LJP launches ‘Towards the Villages’ campaign in Bhadohi: Dalit Chaupal in Tulapur, emphasis on social justice and organizational expansion
The Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) organized a Dalit Chaupal and rural public dialogue program in Tulapur village of the Gyanpur assembly constituency in Bhadohi district, aimed at promoting social justice, constitutional rights, and organizational expansion. This program marked the launch of the party’s ambitious campaign, “LJP Goes to the Villages,” in Bhadohi district. A large number of people from the Pasi community, Dalits, backward classes, and all sections of society participated in this program. On this occasion, party leaders pledged to go from village to village, strengthening the organization and spreading the party’s policies and ideology to the last person in society. In his address, Advocate Rajiv Pasi, the chief guest and former President of the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), highlighted the contributions of the party’s founder and former Union Minister, the late Ram Vilas Paswan, to social justice and Dalit upliftment. He said that throughout his political career, the late Paswan strongly raised the voice of the poor, the exploited, the deprived, and the Dalit community on the national stage. Postage Stamps Released Pasi stated that due to the efforts of the late Ram Vilas Paswan, postage stamps were issued in honor of Maharaja Bijli Pasi and the brave woman Uda Devi Pasi. He also played a key role in installing the portrait of Bharat Ratna Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar in the Parliament House. He said that today the party is reaching out to every village with those same ideals and thoughts. Bhadohi in-charge and State General Secretary Kamal Tiwari said that the party has launched a comprehensive campaign of village-level meetings in Bhadohi district. He expressed confidence that in the future, the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) will play an important and decisive role in Bhadohi politics. Addressing the workers, Tiwari said that organizational expansion will be given priority. The target has been set to add 10,000 new workers to the party within the next month. To this end, village-wide gatherings, membership drives, and outreach programs will be organized. Satyam Pandey | Bhadohi (Sant Ravidas Nagar) Courtesy: Hindi News
2027 Assembly Polls: UP Cabinet Expansion Reveals BJP’s Electoral Vulnerabilities
By trying to concede more space to OBCs and Dalits, the BJP has acknowledged the Opposition’s improved caste arithmetic as well as the hard bargaining potential of these communities. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath with cabinet ministers performs ‘Ganga Pujan’ during a visit to review preparations for the ‘Magh Mela 2026’, at Sangam, in Prayagraj, Saturday, Nov. 22, 2025. Photo: PTI New Delhi: Whether driven by social engineering, compulsions of transactional coalition politics or a defensive response to electoral reverses in 2022 and 2024, there is a jump in Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Dalit castes in Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s council of ministers. Adityanath is serving his second term as chief minister in Uttar Pradesh and faces a tough assembly election next year. An analysis by The Wire of ministerial berths assigned since Adityanath came to power in 2017 makes this shift in their caste composition more visible. In comparison to his first tenure, Adityanath’s current stint has allocated significantly more space to OBCs and Dalits at the direct expense of the traditional ‘upper castes’ (UCs). However, notwithstanding the gradual increase in representation of the marginalised and backward Hindu communities, UCs, in particular Brahmins and Thakurs, continue to enjoy ministerial berths disproportionately higher than their population in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) rule. Brahmins and Thakurs are the single biggest beneficiaries of ministerial posts under Adityanath 2.0 with a combined strength of 15, which is 25% of the total berths. In comparison, Dalits, who make up 21.5% of the state’s population, have only 18% representation in the council of ministers. This is only marginally better than the 15% representation they enjoyed during the tail-end of Adityanath’s first government. Looking ahead With the assembly elections less than a year away, the BJP has started the process of adjusting its caste arithmetic. After capturing vast swathes of the electoral field in India’s largest and most politically significant state in the 2014 and 2017 elections, the saffron party has been constantly losing ground. This makes the 2027 assembly election the first one the BJP would fight since 2014 on the heels of a popular defeat in the state in the 2024 parliamentary polls. The BJP’s gameplan in UP has primarily hinged on projecting the unity and representation of Hindus, cutting across caste lines. Last week, Adityanath expanded his council of ministers to its maximum allowed strength (60). Six new ministers, including two cabinet ministers, were inducted into Adityanath’s team, while two existing ministers were promoted with independent portfolios. Of these six new ministers, five hail from backward and Dalit Hindu castes. The cabinet expansion and induction of ministers from these communities is part of a considered narrative to project caste balance among different Hindu ‘jatis’. The BJP’s caste realignment also appears to be a direct defensive reaction to a resurgent Opposition led by Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav. The SP chief has made concerted efforts to shift from a rigid ‘Muslim-Yadav’ image, pivoting towards a broader caste rainbow under the banner of PDA (Pichda-Dalit-Alpsankhyak). This reinvention of Mandal politics through a Kanshi Ram-esque formula of ‘proportional representation’ has significantly altered the caste game in the state. The ruling party’s cabinet provides a clear window into the broader socio-political dynamics of its rule. The Wire extracted the caste background of every minister in UP under the two governments of Adityanath and compared them at their peak strength – September 2021 for the first term and May 2026 for the second term. During his first tenure (2017-2022), Adityanath’s council of ministers had a higher percentage of UCs. Out of the 60 ministers, 27 (45%) were UC, while 23 (38.3%) were OBC and nine (15%) were Dalits. The government also had a single token Muslim minister. In comparison, in his second term, the share of OBC and Dalit representation has increased. The number of UC ministers has fallen: of the 60 ministers, 26 (43.3%) are OBC, 22 (36.7%) are UC and 11 (18.3%) are Dalits. The number of Muslims remains the same – one. The second Adityanath government has three more OBCs, two additional Dalits and five fewer UCs than during the first term. It is important to point out that OBCs are the single largest bloc in the state, estimated to be between 40 to 45%, or perhaps even higher. Dalits make up 21.5% of the population while Muslims are 19.5%. UCs such as Brahmins, Tyagis, Bhumihars, Thakurs, Baniyas, Kayasthas and Khatris make up the rest. The redistribution of power becomes even more pronounced while examining the representation of cabinet ministers, the most powerful tier of the three ministerial categories. During his first term, Adityanath had 24 cabinet ministers, including himself. An overwhelming 16 (66.7%) berths belonged to UCs. OBCs lagged far behind with just seven (29.2%) cabinet ministers while Dalits had a solitary representative (4.1%). In comparison, today the 23-member cabinet presents a vastly different social profile. OBCs have leaped ahead to hold 11 berths (47.82%), while UC have dropped to 10 (43.47%) and Dalits hold two (8.69%). The Adityanath 2.0 cabinet, the core team of senior ministers, comprises four Brahmins, three Kurmis, two each from the Thakur, Rajbhar, Bhumihar, Jat and Jatav communities, and one each from the Baniya, Noniya Chauhan, Maurya-Kushwaha, Khatri, Nishad and Lodhi Rajput castes. Adityanath is himself a Kshatriya or ‘Thakur’. This increased representation of OBCs in the cabinet can partly be attributed to the BJP’s increasing dependence on smaller OBC allies. Out of the 23 cabinet ministers, four (three OBCs and one Dalit) belong to BJP’s allies. These are the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP), Apna Dal (Soneylal), Nishad Party and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). Upper castes overrepresented at the cost of Muslims But there is another side to this reality. UCs still continue to be overrepresented under the BJP because the BJP does not field Muslim candidates in elections. With no need to make Muslims ministers, the party can make more OBCs and Dalits ministers, while keeping the UCs overrepresented